Why have dialogues with Pakistan invariably been followed by the escalation in the proxy war? Pakistan has relentlessly pursued two objectives vis-à-vis India. One, to raise constantly the costs for India in maintaining the status quo on Kashmir, and secondly, to seek ‘parity’ with India through a policy of inflicting a ‘thousand cuts’. This policy has remained an article of faith for both the civilian and the military leadership of Pakistan. It was Benazir Bhutto who in 1990 raised the shrill cries of ‘Azadi, Azadi, and Azadi...’ No less a leader than Ghulam Ishaq Khan has come out with the sensational disclosures on how Nawaz Sharief ordered Lt. Gen. Javed Nasir, to trigger Mumbai blasts. A confessional state, which seeks its legitimacy through an adversarial relationship with India, cannot deny space to Jihadis.

  What then can be the contours of diplomatic engagement with Pakistan? Are we so naive to believe that Pakistan can agree to end sponsoring cross-border terrorism or can agree to a deal which does not undermine Indian strategic or ideological interests in Kashmir? Diplomatic engagement with a rogue state will not enhance India’s image as a responsible nuclear power. This will only demonstrate India’s vulnerability as a soft state.

  The weak-kneed policy towards Pakistan is only a link in the chain of many blunders that NDA government continues to commit on Kashmir. Its opportunistic policy to engage Hizb, Hurriet and National Conference at different times has played disaster with internal security policies and national political imperatives. With what justification NDA government can criticise Hurriet’s meeting with Musharraf, when it itself allows Hurriet man to attend the OIC meet at Mali. Double standards have to go. Similarly, how can the new talk on special powers to J&K be a substitute for ending cross-border terrorism, clearly an Indian objective at Agra Summit?

  NDA government has been following a directionless, apologetic policy on Kashmir. It has held itself hostage to the vague clichés of international opinion, which do not exist. Left- “Liberal”--Muslim nexus, to which a strong India is an anathema, has been trying to dictate agenda on Kashmir. Many of the members of this nexus have managed to enroll themselves on the track-2 circuit. Sections of Indian media and track-2 opportunists have done more damage to India’s interests than known enemies. ISI has exploited this subversive space to the hilt. Is it not an irony that the ‘patriotic’ editors who attended Musharraf’s breakfast meet felt outraged not at the diplomatic impropriety displayed by the General towards the host country but for having gone unshaven to face TV cameras.

  Our task in Kashmir is primarily to--address the subversive space within and defeating cross-border terrorism comprehensively through military means. Pious appeals to Pakistan and US won’t help. In the aftermath of summit, the attrition on the non-Muslim population in the state has increased further. How long can we postpone framing of a policy that would counter this sinister design? Solution to alienation of Kashmiris is not granting the so-called special powers to a section of population. The key to it lies in rebuilding the edifice of good governance, transparent power sharing and creating conditions for secularisation of social polity in Kashmir. This is the main challenge beyond Agra.
 

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