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CIRCULATED ENGLISH MONTHLY OF J&K
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Some
time back ‘The Kashmir Times’ and ‘Muslim India’ published a
letter written by Late Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah to Col. Nasser of Egypt in
1965. The letter provides us an insight into Sheikh’s interpretation of
Sir Owen Dixon’s proposal on a ‘possible and acceptable’ solution of
Kashmir. That this view appears to be at variance with the actual proposal
called as ‘Dixon Report’ makes it more intriguing. For the benefit of
our readers we reproduce both the documents-Sheikh’s letter to Nasser
and Dixon’s Report to judge for themselves. --Editor The
Dixon Report Text
of the summing up and concluding portion of the report of Sir Owen Dixon,
UN Representative for India and Pakistan on Kashmir, submitted to the
Security Council in September, 1950 It will be
seen that two main lines have been pursued in the attempts which have been
made to settle the dispute between the two countries about the state of
Jammu and Kashmir. The attempt to find a solution by taking a plebiscite
over the whole state and so decide by a majority to which country the
entire state shall go has its origin in the first proceedings before the
Security Council. It would be recalled that by the Resolution of 21 April
1948 the desire of both India and Pakistan that the question of accession
of the state to one of them should be decided by free and impartial
plebiscite was noted with satisfaction. In the agreed resolution of the
United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan, January 5, 1949 there is
a recital of the acceptance by the Government of both countries of the
principles that the question of the accession of the state to India or
Pakistan would be decided through the democratic method of a free and
impartial plebiscite. From the
date of this resolution until the present there have been continual
efforts to bring about conditions in which the preparations for taking a
poll might go forward. No one has supposed that they could even begin
while much of the respective territories on either side of the cease-fire
line were occupied by opposed armies and their base units. There are in
addition many other obstacles to the holding of a free and fair plebiscite
which must be removed before the state would be ready for the organisation
and machinery which the taking of a poll would make necessary.
Unfortunately all this has been made to depend upon the agreement of the
parties. It is enough to refer to paragraph 2, 6(a) and 10 of the
Resolution of 5 January 1949 and to the provisions of the Resolution of 13
August 1948 upon which these paragraphs hang. There is, I
believe on the side of India a conception of what ought to be done to
ascertain the real will of the people which is not that tacitly assumed by
me. Doubtless it is a conception which Pakistan does not share. The
resolution of January 1949 contains some rather general provisions in
relation to the holding of the plebiscite and the antecedent steps, and
about these more general provisions the parties were able to agree. But to
apply propositions of this kind a programme of practical acts and physical
events must be agreed on. Without that it is impossible for the Plebiscite
Administrator to begin the extensive and difficult work of organising the
taking of a poll. It is the practical measures which have proved the
obstacle, not the mere general propositions. Pakistan
has complained of India’s failure to agree on the practical measures
which must precede the preparations for the actual taking of a poll, and
has maintained that this failure is the result of a deliberate policy. But
the fact remains that under the resolutions the agreement of India to the
course to be pursued in these matters is a condition-precedent to carrying
out a plebiscite of the state, and there is no such agreement. Moreover,
the United Nations Commission failed in its efforts to secure an agreement
upon them; I failed in mine; neither party put-forward any other proposals
and both appeared to concur in the view that the possibility of agreement
has been exhausted. The
contention of Pakistan that it was incumbent on India to agree did not
advance the matter practically. It was in these circumstances that I
decided to turn away from a plebiscite of the whole state, an “over
all” plebiscite, as a method of solving the problem of Kashmir.
Partition of the whole state between the two countries is of course an
obvious alternative. But
unfortunately the Valley of Kashmir cannot itself be partitioned and it is
an area claimed by each side.
Pakistan claims it not only because it is predominantly Muslim but also
because the Jhelum river flows from it and Pakistan will not readily give
up her claim. India is just as insistent upon her claim and has the
advantage of possession. Some method of allocating the Kashmir valley to
one party or the other is, therefore, essential to any plan of partition. I am
inclined to the view that no method of allocating the Valley to one or
other of the contending parties is available except a poll of the
inhabitants. By the inhabitants I mean those of them who fulfil whatever
may be fixed as the test of eligibility to vote. The difficulty of using
the expedient of a plebiscite appears to lie entirely that the plebiscite
is held in conditions which make it an effective means of ascertaining the
real will of the people independently formed and freely expressed and, on
the other hand, certain conceptions or preconceptions of the Indian
government. These are based, in part, on what India conceives to be the
origin and course of the fighting in 1947 and 1948 and part on her
unwillingness to have any interference to the civil administration. In
addition, it may be, as I have suggested that a different conception
exists of the process of ascertaining the will of the people. Although I
myself found no reconciliation of this conflict possible, it may be that
with India’s help some resolution of the conflict may be discovered. She
may come to realise the necessity of practical
measures which will really secure the freedom and fairness of a
plebiscite which must be
paramount over these conceptions. At all events I have formed the opinion
that if there is any chance of settling the dispute over Kashmir by
agreement between India and Pakistan it now lies in partition and in some
means of allocating the Valley rather than in an overall plebiscite. The
reason for this may be shortly stated (emphasis added). The State
of Jammu and Kashmir is not really a unit geographically, demographically
or economically. It is an agglomeration of territories brought under the
political power of One Maharaja. That is the unity it possesses. If as a
result of an overall plebiscite the state as an entirety passed to India,
there would be large movements of Muslims and another refugee problem
would arise for Pakistan who would be expected to receive them in very
great numbers. If the result favoured Pakistan a refugee problem, although
not of such dimensions, would arise of India, because of the movement of
Hindus and Sikhs. Almost all this would be avoided by partition. Great
areas of the state are unequivocally Muslim. Other areas are predominantly
Hindu. There is a further area which is Buddhist. No one doubts the
sentiment of the great majority of the
inhabitants of these areas. The interest of the people, the justice
as well as the permanence of the settlement, and the imperative necessity
of avoiding another refugee problem all point to the wisdom of adopting
partition as the principle of settlement and of abandoning that of an
overall plebiscite . But in addition the economic and geographic
considerations point in the same direction. The
difficulty in partitioning
the state is to form a sound judgement where the line should be drawn. While what
I have said ideals broadly with the state as a whole, it is by no means
easy to fix the limits on each side. That is because it is necessary that
the territory allocated to each side should be continuous in itself and
should be continugous with that country, because there are pockets of
people whose faith and affiliations are different from those of people by
whom they are cut off, because the changes in the distribution of
population as the result of the troubles cannot be completely ignored and
because geographical features remain important in fixing what may prove an
international frontier. I shall not
deal with the matter with more particularly, and I say so much only in
case the Security Council should be of opinion that it should take further
steps to effect a settlement between the parties. But for myself I doubt
whether it may not be better to leave the parties to themselves in
negotiating terms for settlement of the problem how to dispose of Jammu
and Kashmir between them. So far the attitude of the parties has been to
throw the whole responsibility upon the Security Council or its
representatives of settling the dispute notwithstanding that except by
agreement between them there was no means of settling it. When actual
fighting was going on between them it was natural, if not necessary, that
the Security Council and the Commission as its delegate should intervene
between them and propose terms to stop the hostilities and the question
came to be how to settle the rival claims to Kashmir, the initiative was
still left with the Security Council and the Commission. The whole
question has now been thoroughly discussed by the parties with the
Security Council, the Commission and myself and the possible methods of
settlement have been exhaustively investigated. It is perhaps best that
the initiative should now pass back to the parties. At all events I am not
myself prepared to recommend any further course of action on the part of
the Security Council for the purpose of assisting the parties to settle
between them how the state of Jammu and Kashmir is to be disposed of. The
continued maintenance of two armies facing one another across a ceasefire
line is another matter. A danger to peace must exist while this state of
things continues. Except for mutual distrust and fear, one of another,
there is no reason why the two countries should go on maintaining armies
separated only by the ceasefire line. It is a boundary which might be kept
by check posts and the like in the same way as any frontier between
countries at peace. It is hard to believe that the Indian and Pakistan
chiefs of staff would have any difficulty in arranging for a concurrent
reduction of forces or in effecting the necessary changes in the manner in
which the ceasefire line is held, if they were instructed by their
respective governments to meet for the purpose. Before
leaving the subcontinent I addressed to the Prime Minister severally a
request that this should be done. It is a matter in which the Security
Council is directly concerned because it involves a proximate danger to
peace. I
recommended that the Security Council should press the parties to reduce
the military strength holding the ceasefire to the normal protection of a
peace-time frontier. In the meantime it is my recommendation that the party of United Nations Military Observers be retained on the ceasefire line. They cannot continue their indefinitely but after a time the question of their withdrawal might be settled in consultation with the two governmentsr Sheikh’s
Letter “The
dispute between India and Pakistan with regard to the future of the State
of Jammu and Kashmir has strained the relations of the two countries for
the last 17 years and now and again has been leading to (such) an
aggravating situation that at any time its continued tension may burst
into a shooting war leading to devastating consequences in that region of
the world. Moreover this situation has saddled both the countries with
huge military expenses which has crippled both economically. Yet another
tragic aspect of this situation is the continued agony for the 5 million
people of the state, whose economy and will-being is completely paralysed,
due to the resultant uncertainty and insecurity. The urgency
and importance of an early settlement of this dispute cannot therefore be
over-emphasised. Many statesmen and friendly countries have during the
past 17 years, made a number of proposals, suggesting a peaceful
settlement of the dispute. No doubt the best and most democratic solution
could be through a plebiscite should this not be feasible, there are other
practicable solutions, suggested in the past. One such solution was made
by Sri Owen Dixon, the UN Representative appointed to negotiate a
settlement between India and Pakistan. Broadly speaking, Sir Owen Dixon
proposed that: (a) The
southern parts of the state comprising Kathua, Jammu and parts of Udhampur
districts (now being predominantly Hindu areas) may be annexed with India. (b) The
area, now known as Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan being exclusively
Muslim be annexed with Pakistan. (c) The
Valley of Kashmir along with the adjoining areas across Banihal (i.e. the
district of Doda and the Niabat of Arnas, Gulab Garh) to be allowed to
decide its future through a plebiscite. Leh is to follow the result of
plebiscite, held in this territory (Kargil being exclusively Muslim in
population to go with the Valley). “Sir Owen
Dixon took a detached view of things and considered this as the best
practicable solution under the circumstances. It appears to be a fair
method of resolving the present tangle. In order to avoid a number of
complications, that might arise by holding a plebiscite immediately in the
territory referred to in clause (c) above, a reasonable way can be found
in keeping the said territory under UN Trusteeship for a specified period
(i.e. 5 to 10 years). The people of the territory can be given an
opportunity for the exercise of the right of self determination in a
suitable way, after that period. In the interim period, it is hoped that
tempers will cool down and much of the emotional factor, now surcharging
the situation, will die out. Further, the interim period can be utilised
for the development of these areas towards which the two countries, as
well as the UNO will suitably contribute. The above
proposal can be a very good basis for discussion between India and
Pakistan and Kashmir.. It is hoped that friendly countries, interested in
a settlement, will take up this proposal levels, as well as the
international conference. Needless to
say that as earnest effort in this direction will be the greatest service
to the cause of peace in the world.
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