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Why Union Territory Status For Ladakh?

Memorandum To Members Of Parliament

By Tsering Samphel

Ladakh was once an independent Himalayan Kingdom. The political history of Ladakh dates back to 930 A.D. when several small, sovereign principalities outlying the Western Himalayas were integrated and given a unified polity by Lha-Chen-Palgigon.

Ladakh as an independent kingdom gained political status during 15th-16th century when the Namgyal dynasty came into power. The reign of the Namgyal dynasty lasted until 1842 when a Dogra General, Zorawar Singh, annexed Ladakh into the Dogra Empire. After 100 years of Dogra rule, Ladakh alongwith Jammu and Kashmir became an integral part of India in 1947.

From the very outset Ladakh’s political merger with J&K did not form any natural cohesion and proved to be a folly throughout. Except for the Dogras’ suzerainty as a commonality, Ladakh is fundamentally different from Kashmir in all respects - culturally, ethnically and linguistically. Over they years the successive governments of the state have  adopted a policy of discrimination  and subversion towards the region with the sole objective of stiffing its people and marginalising its historical, religious and cultural identity.

In the modern times, when the whole subcontinent has passed through the process of decolonisation to enjoy the fruits of national independence, we, the people of Ladakh, and our land still continue to suffer under the old concept of colonial administrative structure, which suited the imperial interests and feudal rulers under the name of the pseudo-state of Jammu and Kashmir. Gandhiji and other national leaders emancipated the Indian masses from the oppressive alien domination, exploitation, feudal and colonial rule, but we, the people of Ladakh, with a distinct identity of our own have been pushed under an oppressive political domination of Kashmiris and denied the fruits of freedom and national independence.

The State of Jammu and Kashmir, the territorial limits of which never formed a natural geopolitical entity in its real sense, still suffers from geopolitical crises and disorder. Frederic Drew who served as Governor in Ladakh in the 19th century remarked that “the territories of Jammu and Kashmir have no other bond of cohesion than the fact of Maharaja’s rule, no simple name for it exists.”

The degree of heterogeneity among the three regions is very high not only in form but also in sharpness. In the case of Ladakh this heterogeneity is expressed not only in terms of its totally different physiographic setting but also manifest in its ethnic composition, language, religion, philosophy and culture. In the last 52 years of independence, we, the people of Ladakh, not only have suffered rampant Kashmiri political domination but also severe drive of separatism.

In the absence of any study which has analysed Ladakh’s problems from a nationalistic and political perspective, our endeavour is three-fold. Firstly, we intend to highlight the emergence and assertion of national identity, patriotism and national integration among the Ladakhis towards our motherland. Secondly, we want to have an objective assessment of the political exploitation of the people of Ladakh and the Ladakhi’s resistance towards Kashmiri sub-nationalism. Thirdly, we are determined to mobilize public opinion and national consensus in order to evolve a new perspective towards the reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir State.

The history of modern Ladakh can be considered as the history of the emergence and assertion of nationalism and integration with modern India. Nationalism became the mass ideology propagated and perpetuated by the leadership of Ven. Kushok Bakula. Nationalism remained a dominant ideological creed and became a rallying force among the Ladakhis to fight back the Pakistanis and the Chinese who made frequent bids to conquer our land in 1948, 1962, 1965, 1971 and 1999 wars. The jawans of Ladakh Scouts played an exemplary role in decisively foiling the enemy’s misadventures. The people of Ladakh always stood for national unity and integrity of the country. We always supported the Government in Delhi, irrespective of the political party in power.

At the time of the British plan to partition India we made our stand clear vis-a-vis our position within the State of J&K through our memoranda to the Maharaja of J&K and to the Prime Minister of India.

Based on bitter experience that the people of Ladakh had during the period of a century, their growing apprehensions for future were communicated by the Ladakh Buddhist Association on behalf of the Buddhists of Ladakh and adjoining areas to the Maharaja through a memorandum in the State Praja Sabha. It consists of three alternative proposals:

(1) The Maharaja should govern Ladakh directly without tagging it on to Kashmir valley.

(2) Our homeland be amalgamated with the Hindu majority Jammu and should form a separate province in which adequate safeguard should be provided for distinctive rights and interests of Ladakhis.

(3) Ladakh should be permitted to join East Punjab.

However, the Maharaja’s inability to reply due to sudden developments in the State leading to the relinquishment of his position as a party in respect of our proposals at (1) to (2) made us choose a path independent of him. After mature deliberation it was decided by our people to merge with India straightaway. This historic decision was communicated through a memorandum submitted by Shri Chhewang Rigzin, President, Ladakh Buddhist Association, to Prime Minister Nehru on behalf of the people of Ladakh on 4 May 1949. The memorandum concludes as under: “Ladakh is not prepared to go to Pakistan whatever the result of the plebiscite may be”. The memorandum further put forth a poignant appeal to India:

“We seek the bosom of that gracious mother (India) to receive more nutriment for growth to our full stature in every way. She has given us what we prize above all other things - our religion and culture. The Ashoka wheel on her flag, symbol of goodwill for all humanity, and her concern for her cultural children, calls us irresistibly. Will the great mother refuse to take to her arms one of her weakest and most forlorn and depressed children - a child whom filial love impels to respond to the call?”

Ladakhis have since then consistently been demanding separation from Jammu and Kashmir State and asking for the status of Union Territory. The Government of India, however, never responded favourably to our sincere conviction; instead they made us to be governed by Kashmiris during these decades to our utter ruin. In the post - Independence period we have been reduced to the status of slaves in our own homeland. The impact of oppressive rule unleashed by the J&K Government over us has obliterated our cultural and social ethos.

Sheikh Abdullah’s Government divided Ladakh on communal basis in 1979 by creating two separate districts of Leh and Kargil with Buddhist and Muslim majorities respectively. Subsequently they encouraged communalisation of Ladakh’s political, social and cultural life. Such policies have severely challenged our age-old communal harmony and secular credentials. Therefore, our major struggle in the post - Independence period has been to have an administration in Ladakh to be controlled directly by the central government.

The history of our struggle goes back to 1964 when the first organised effort of Ladakhis against Kashmiri domination and exploitation, under the leadership of Ven. Kushok Bakula manifested itself in a demand for NEFA type Central administration. A similar agitation was launched in 1974 under the leadership of Ven. Lama Lobzang, Thupstan Chhewang and Tsering Samphel demanding Central administration for Ladakh. Again in 1982 a movement was led by Sh. P.Namgyal, M.P. (who subsequently became a Union Minister) demanding Regional Autonomy. But  instead of satisfying our democratic rights and aspirations the successive Kashmiri rulers severally suppressed the democratic movement of peace loving Buddhists through the State police. The agitation being carried out since 1989 by the Ladakh Buddhist Association is by now quite well-known. This was a result of the cumulative alienation of our people. At a time when anti-national activities were gaining momentum in the Valley, resulting in total boycott of Independence Day celebrations, the Farooq government instead of nipping the secessionist movement in the bud, chose to let out his anger on the peaceful demonstrators in Leh resulting in loss of lives. In view of the increasing anti-national activities elsewhere in the State and, therefore, keeping in mind the larger national interest, the Ladakh Buddhist Association suspended its demand for Union Territory and accepted the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) somewhat on the lines of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council as a compromise under the tripartite agreement reached between the State government, the Central government and the LBA on 29 October 1989. It is however, most unfortunate that the government did not actually allow any quantum of autonomy to be exercised by the democratically elected LAHDC and also starved it of funds. It is ironical that the same government is now pleading for, greater autonomy, for the state.

Under these circumstances we are left with no choice but to reiterate our long-standing demand for granting Union Territory status to Ladakh, which would guarantee us an administrative set-up to run our own affairs and safeguard our interests.

We are followers of the Buddha. Taking to arms and violence is against our basic philosophy. In fact, our entire movement has throughout been peaceful and democratic. We are also against the violent path followed by people elsewhere in the country. Our main objective is to convey our apprehensions which are related not only to our own problems but also to national security issues. We appeal to the national leaders, intelligentsia and the common people to support our demand for Union Territory status and also help us in our struggle against all forces which are trying to bring destabilization in this frontier region. Their moral and material support to our demand will greatly help in creating a stable and strong national frontier.

It is absolutely erroneous to equate Kashmir valley with the rest of the state. Ladakh constitutes 69.6% of the total J&K territory with a distinct geo-political and geo-cultural identity of its own. The aspirations of the people of Ladakh and their national outlook are different from those of the people of Kashmir. Leaders of Kashmir valley can never be leaders of our people and our assimilation with the people of the Valley is next to impossible. The need of the hour is, therefore, to tackle all the problems relating to Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh in totality. Any attempt at handling the Kashmir issue in isolation by ignoring the problems of Jammu and Ladakh will not only be shortsighted but also counterproductive. Therefore, a realistic solution to the problems in J&K can only be found if the State is reorganised on linguistic and ethnic basis, as was done earlier in the case of other states.

*The author is President Ladakh Buddhist Association

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